Written
by Kirsten Synnöve Watson, BA(Hons) Politics & International Relations and History.
If you were to ask non-Nordic adults what first
springs to mind when considering Finland, you would be hard-pressed to find
many whose general knowledge extends beyond that it is cold and Santa lives
there; God forbid you ask them to point it out on a map, you might be there for days. Situated in the far North of Europe with a population of 5.4 million, Finland
is more of an outlier than a major global player in politics when compared to
their Russian neighbours. Finnish domestic politics rarely garners more than a
passing mention at best in the international press, making the General Election in December 2019 an anomaly. The small country’s newly elected
government came to worldwide attention due to the result; on 10 December 2019 Sanna Marin assumed the role of Prime Minister within a coalition government.
Beyoncé’s popular song lyrics ‘Who run the world? Girls.’ On a protest sign during the Women’s March in
Washington DC, USA, 2017. Source: https://betches.com/2018-womens-march-sign-ideas/
|
What about this result was so newsworthy? A huge political U-turn had not occurred nor had a reality TV show host risen to power – the world’s youngest head of state had been elected whilst simultaneously forming the only all-female cabinet. Just over a century since Finland became the first country in Europe to allow women the vote, once again they are achieving world-firsts whilst breaking down gender barriers (you can almost hear the glass-ceiling shattering).
The new Finnish cabinet: Prime Minister Sanna Marin (centre) leads a coalition government of five women. From left to right: Li Anderson, Katri Kalmuni, Anna-Maja Henriksson and Maria Ohisalo (February 2020). Credit: Laura Kotila, VNK. Source: https://newsnowfinland.fi/politics/new-opinion-poll-signals-good-news-for-the-government |
The
need to increase women’s representation in politics has been a feminist focal
point for decades and has recently started to be recognised by national
governments. It has been argued that in order to utilise resources and pursue
justice for the good of society as a whole, women must be involved in political
discourse (Krook & Norris, 2014). Scholar Hanna Pitkin (1967) has been
highly influential on feminist categorizations of political representation. On
her view, representation can be descriptive;
effectively the characteristics of those in power should reflect those of the
population. Thus if a portion of the electorate is female, the same should be
the case with the legislature. Pitkin herself advocated rather that
representation should be substantive
in nature, whereby the interests of a group are advanced and advocated for by
those elected through their actions, irrespective of the characteristics of the
representative (see also Lovenduski 1997). Many feminist scholars, however,
argue that both descriptive and substantive representation are intrinsically
linked, as who better to advocate on behalf of women than women? (see, e.g., 2009). However,
there remains a clear disconnect here with political reality: despite
constituting the majority of the world’s population, on average only 25.1% of Members of Parliament worldwide are
female.
Whilst
open to debate, the argument has also been made that men and women have
fundamentally different interests and priorities due to their gendered
circumstances and that these should be treated equally (Krook & Norris,
2014). One of the circumstances most
often referenced is the fact that women are statistically more likely to become
the primary caregiver to children, elderly or infirmed relatives
than men.
It
is important to keep this stance in mind when examining the policy framework
Marin’s government appears to be pursuing. Having only been in office for just
over two months one of their first policy proposals was reforming the parental
leave system to ensure that fathers are entitled to the same length of paid parental
leave as mothers. The proposal also contains provisions for single parents
wherein they would receive the same allowance as a couple. Overwhelmingly this
means single mothers; according to the most up-to-date estimates, single fathers constitute 0.97-3.75% of all households in OECD countries, while single mothers constitute between 10.61 and 19.26%. Considering Marin’s
policy proposal within a feminist theoretical framework, it can hardly be a
coincidence that the first female government was the first to focus on the
perceived ‘female issue’ of parental leave.
Why Finland?
In
line with their fellow Nordic countries, Finland has for many years found
itself featured in the lauded ‘World’s happiest countries’ or ‘Best place to be
a woman/parent/gay’ lists. The World Economic Forum’s gender pay gap report
index ranked Finland at 4 out of 149 surveyed countries noting their high
economic, educational and political gender parity. What is it about Finland
that has shaped the country into one of the world’s most equal and socially
progressive – what is the secret ingredient?
Culture.
The word encompasses many meanings but is often examined as a possible explanation for
many political anomalies; such as the election of an all-female cabinet
(Berman, 2001). Regarding the election of women, the political and societal
culture of a country has been used to explained women’s likelihood to even run
for office as well as the eventual result. Finland is often referred to having
a culture of gender diversity; with social, economic and political gender
parity even being enshrined in the constitution. One of the methods used by Finland is a
party quota system. Whilst there is no official required quota system in place
for parties the Finnish Equality Act includes a quota provision that requires
state committees, boards and executives to be composed of at least 40% women. Whilst there is no
obligation for parties to conform to this during the election process, parties
must follow the guidelines once elected. This has led to almost all parties
establishing voluntary quota systems during elections. Scholars Aili Tripp and Alice
Kang (2008) argue that such quotas are the most efficient and effective method
to promote gender equality and parity in political representation. They even go
so far to state that this ‘offers the most explanatory power for women's
representation today’ (Tripp & Kang, 2008: 339). In Finland, the ‘Zipper
method’ is used as a part of the quota system – in the party list, nominations
alternate between genders effectively female, male, female, male and so on, to
ensure that women have a fair chance of being elected (Delgado-Márquez et al,
2014). Richard E. Matland argues that this is necessary to ensure that quotas
have a practical application and are not just symbolic (Matland, 2006). The
fact that Finland’s parliament is 47% female, one of the highest figures in the world,
is testament to the effectiveness of these quotas.
Another
argument put forward is that the large welfare states of the Nordic countries
allow for greater female participation in the labour market and politics.
Scholars have argued that the system’s existence has led to a fundamental
change in society; having one of the most equal parental leave systems in the
world has led to childcare not being viewed as an exclusively female role
(Haavind & Magnusson, 2005). Finland also has heavily subsidised childcare meaning that the parent’s income does not
determine the childcare options available to them and their available childcare
does not limit their job prospects, allowing parents a way out of this catch-22.
Arguably, this system has helped enable Marin, a mother of one, to reach the
highest position in the country.
Finland – a feminist utopia?
Scrolling
through Twitter, you could be under the impression that the election of Marin
has been universally celebrated. Celebrities, academics, world leaders to name
a few have been vocal in their support for the PM. However, unsurprisingly in
no time the sexist commentary and critique started to creep in. Estonia’s
interior minister referred to Marin as a ‘sales girl’, referring to her previous work experience as a way to
question her credentials and suitability for the Prime Ministerial role. There
was no mention of the fact that she was a sales assistant whilst studying for
her Master’s degree or that she has been an elected official for almost a
decade. Marin has the misfortune of being young and female. This apparently
means that all her experience and education is thrown out the window when some
members of the political establishment or media try to come to terms with her
election. In an interview with a journalist from The Guardian (a left-of-centre publication) Marin was repeatedly
asked ‘what was the trick?’ to her election. Again, Marin was forced to justify
her suitability for the role and justify that her age and gender had nothing to
do with it nor would they limit her. Whilst a culture of greater of gender
equality exists within Finland, we see that this is not the case globally. Marin’s
gender will always be a focal point.
'"There’s
no trick”: Finland’s Sanna Marin youngest PM in world', The Guardian, Source: Youtube, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M1JVMIWVJfs
It
is also important to not view Marin’s election as enough. All five coalition
leaders are young, white and Christian. To say their election is wholly
representative is to define all women by their gender, ignoring intersectional
arguments pertaining to race, class and age, to name a few. Simply put - women
are not one-dimensional.
An all-female future?
Whilst
we can all admit the election of Finland’s all-female cabinet is
ground-breaking, this should be normal. Women face numerous societal and
institutional barriers which have put us in a box and expected us to be
grateful for it. Marin and her cabinet are the result of what can be achieved
when these barriers are overcome and gives us cause for hope and celebration.
We trust, if not expect, women to run the households of the world; how about we
help them to run the House of Commons or House of Representatives next?
References
Berman, S., 2001. Ideas, Norms,
and Culture in Political Analysis. Comparative Politics, 33(2): 231-250.
Delgado-Márquez, B.L., Ramírez-González, V.,
and López-Carmona, A. 2014. Ensuring Parliamentary Gender Equality Through a
New Zipper Method: An Application to Finland. Social Indicators
Research 116(2): 475-92
Haavind, H. and Magusson, E., 2005. The
Nordic Countries-Welfare Paradises for Women and Children? Feminism & Psychology 15(2): 227-235.
Krook, M.L. and Norris,
P. 2014. Beyond Quotas: Strategies to Promote Gender Equality in Elected Office,
Political Studies, 62 (1): 2-20
Lovenduski, J. 1997. Gender Politics: A
Breakthrough for Women? Parliamentary Affairs 50(4): 708-719.
Matland, R.E. 2006. Electoral quotas:
Frequency and effectiveness. In D. Dahlerup (Ed.), Women, Quotas and Politics.
New York and London: Routledge.
Pitkin, H.F., 1967. The Concept of Representation (Vol.
75). USA: University of California Press.
Tripp, A.M. and Kang, A. 2008. The Global Impact
of Quotas: On the Fast Track to Increased Female Legislative Representation. Comparative Political Studies 41(3): 338-361.
Women in Parliaments:
Descriptive and Substantive Representation. Annual Review of Political Science 12(1): 51-69
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